Woman and the workplace in India

The guillotine has fallen again in Kerala. The first time it fell was on landlordism, when in 1956 the government of EMS Namboodiripad legislated land reforms that ended a centuries-old feudalism. In a single stroke agricultural labourers, till then no more than serfs, were left free to sell their labour power to whom they pleased. That this did not lead to a dynamic agricultural sector does not take away from its potential to have ushered in a social revolution. Social distance between labourer and landlord, a prominent aspect of Kerala society, was ended once and for all. And, the labour movement received an impetus. However, while the economic and social power exerted by way of class declined, the asymmetry of power whereby men rule over women in almost all spheres of social life remained untouched. Left politics in Kerala remained fixated on economic inequality and western imperialism. In the meanwhile, unexpectedly, religion assumed a far greater role in social life, cementing the hold of patriarchy. But now, in a completely unexpected turn, the guillotine has fallen again, this time on patriarchy itself. It may have taken a while coming, but it could lead to that much-needed second social revolution in Kerala and serve as an example of what can be achieved elsewhere in a country where women endure toxicity in the workplace.

            The particular development in Kerala has taken the form of a group of women in the film industry coming together under the banner ‘Women’s Collective in Cinema’ (WCC). Their first act was to call out the misogynistic dialogues spoken by some of the foremost actors in malayalam films. The impact this had is difficult to gauge but the WCC’s second intervention has been remarkably successful. Following the case of a young women actor being forced into a vehicle and sexually assaulted, WCC pressured the government to set up a committee to investigate the working conditions for women in the film industry. The government set up a woman-headed committee. The significance of this is monumental. It is the first time in Kerala that a group of women were able to pressure a government to such a degree. But the results took a long time coming. A government reluctant to publish the findings of the Committee has been directed to do so following a ruling of the Right to Information appellate body. The released report has been redacted but its main message, national news since, is that women in the malayalam film industry are subjected to discrimination and sexual exploitation. The storm that broke out has led to  resignations at the senior most levels of both the state film body, Kerala Chalachitra Academy, and the actors union Association of Malayalam Movie Actors (AMMA). AMMA has come across as wedded to the deepest patriarchy. Not only has it remained silent in the past two weeks, but it has been accused by a young actor of having remained silent when a complaint was taken to it years ago. Led exclusively by men, it has lost all credibility by its lack of response. But the Kerala government has set up a Special Investigating Team, comprising senior women of the IPS, to investigate the recent allegations.

            The uprising in Kerala has lessons for the movement to bring about gender justice in the country. First, do not expect even an elected government in a democracy to take the initiative to address patriarchy, even when it comes down to something so simple as ensuring a safe workplace for women. When politicians  speak of ‘social justice’ they appear to not have women in mind. But a government can be pressurised to take action, which brings hope to the project. Secondly, women will have to take the lead in ensuring that their demands are acceded to by employers, without waiting for social attitudes to change. WCC have shown that a move towards this can be made, but women would have to keep struggling it seems. It took a small group of mostly young and articulate women seven years to bring things to this stage in Kerala. If the question of women’s safety in the workplace becomes a movement, which is easier now that WCC have brought nation-wide awareness to the matter, much can be achieved quicker and without  individuals having to place their careers on the line.

            For years economists have wrung their hands over the low female worker participation in the labour force, which is one factor keeping India at a low level of income. Many may not be aware that World Bank data reveal that this statistic is lower in India than in Saudi Arabia, reflexively thought of as a more conservative socially. The answer to the question of the low presence of women in India’s workforce is easier to comprehend after the revelations in Kerala. Women are unlikely to feel safe in the workplace in India. In the aftermath of the Abhaya case, when the national media have reported on the state of the infrastructure in India’s government hospitals, it is possible to see how little needs be done to secure women’s safety. No more is needed that separate, functioning toilets and safe resting areas, especially when they are on long workshifts. Merely the absence of a secure place to sleep stood between Abhaya and her life. India’s labour laws had once disallowed night shifts for women in factories and decreed that spittoons be provided in the workplace. They are in severe need of revision in the direction of ensuring women’s safety. In India, women constitute neither a class nor a caste. They are not financially independent and have lower health and education endowments within every caste group. After recent events in Bengal and Kerala it cannot be business as usual for India’s talkative political class. They would have to widen their definition of ‘social justice’ or face the prospect of irrelevance